[1: Father Montfaucon, who, by the command of his
Benedictine superiors, was compelled (see Longueruana, tom. i. p.
205) to execute the laborious edition of St. Chrysostom, in
thirteen volumes in folio, (Paris, 1738,) amused himself with
extracting from that immense collection of morals, some curious
antiquities, which illustrate the manners of the Theodosian age,
(see Chrysostom, Opera, tom. xiii. p. 192 - 196,) and his French
Dissertation, in the Memoires de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, tom.
xiii. p. 474 - 490.]
  
  
[2: According to the loose reckoning, that a ship could
sail, with a fair wind, 1000 stadia, or 125 miles, in the
revolution of a day and night, Diodorus Siculus computes ten days
from the Palus Moeotis to Rhodes, and four days from Rhodes to
Alexandria. The navigation of the Nile from Alexandria to Syene,
under the tropic of Cancer, required, as it was against the
stream, ten days more. Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. iii. p. 200,
edit. Wesseling. He might, without much impropriety, measure the
extreme heat from the verge of the torrid zone; but he speaks of
the Moeotis in the 47th degree of northern latitude, as if it lay
within the polar circle.]
  
  
[3: Barthius, who adored his author with the blind
superstition of a commentator, gives the preference to the two
books which Claudian composed against Eutropius, above all his
other productions, (Baillet Jugemens des Savans, tom. iv. p.
227.) They are indeed a very elegant and spirited satire; and
would be more valuable in an historical light, if the invective
were less vague and more temperate.]
  
  
[4: After lamenting the progress of the eunuchs in the
Roman palace, and defining their proper functions, Claudian adds,
- A fronte recedant.
Imperii.
In Eutrop. i. 422.]
  
  
[5:
Yet it does not appear that the eunuchs had assumed any of the
efficient offices of the empire, and he is styled only
Praepositun sacri cubiculi, in the edict of his banishment. See
Cod. Theod. l. leg 17.
Jamque oblita sui, nec sobria divitiis mens
In miseras leges hominumque negotia ludit
Judicat eunuchus .......
Arma etiam violare parat ......
Claudian, (i. 229 - 270,) with that mixture of indignation and
humor which always pleases in a satiric poet, describes the
insolent folly of the eunuch, the disgrace of the empire, and the
joy of the Goths.
- Gaudet, cum viderit, hostis,
Et sentit jam deesse viros.]
  
  
[6: The poet's lively description of his deformity (i.
110 - 125) is confirmed by the authentic testimony of Chrysostom,
(tom. iii. p. 384, edit Montfaucon;) who observes, that when the
paint was washed away the face of Eutropius appeared more ugly
and wrinkled than that of an old woman. Claudian remarks, (i.
469,) and the remark must have been founded on experience, that
there was scarcely an interval between the youth and the decrepit
age of a eunuch.]
  
  
[7: Eutropius appears to have been a native of Armenia
or Assyria. His three services, which Claudian more particularly
describes, were these: 1. He spent many years as the catamite of
Ptolemy, a groom or soldier of the Imperial stables. 2. Ptolemy
gave him to the old general Arintheus, for whom he very skilfully
exercised the profession of a pimp. 3. He was given, on her
marriage, to the daughter of Arintheus; and the future consul was
employed to comb her hair, to present the silver ewer to wash and
to fan his mistress in hot weather. See l. i. 31 - 137.]
  
  
[8: Claudian, (l. i. in Eutrop. l. - 22,) after
enumerating the various prodigies of monstrous births, speaking
animals, showers of blood or stones, double suns, &c., adds, with
some exaggeration,
Omnia cesserunt eunucho consule monstra.
The first book concludes with a noble speech of the goddess of
Rome to her favorite Honorius, deprecating the new ignominy to
which she was exposed.]
  
  
[9: Fl. Mallius Theodorus, whose civil honors, and
philosophical works, have been celebrated by Claudian in a very
elegant panegyric.]
  
  
[10: Drunk with riches, is the forcible expression of
Zosimus, (l. v. p. 301;) and the avarice of Eutropius is equally
execrated in the Lexicon of Suidas and the Chronicle of
Marcellinus Chrysostom had often admonished the favorite of the
vanity and danger of immoderate wealth, tom. iii. p. 381.]
  
  
[11: - certantum saepe duorum
Diversum suspendit onus: cum pondere judex
Vergit, et in geminas nutat provincia lances.
Claudian (i. 192 - 209) so curiously distinguishes the
circumstances of the sale, that they all seem to allude to
particular anecdotes.]
  
  
[12: Claudian (i. 154 - 170) mentions the guilt and
exile of Abundantius; nor could he fail to quote the example of
the artist, who made the first trial of the brazen bull, which he
presented to Phalaris. See Zosimus, l. v. p. 302. Jerom, tom.
i. p. 26. The difference of place is easily reconciled; but the
decisive authority of Asterius of Amasia (Orat. iv. p. 76, apud
Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 435) must turn the
scale in favor of Pityus.]
  
  
[13: Suidas (most probably from the history of Eunapius)
has given a very unfavorable picture of Timasius. The account of
his accuser, the judges, trial, &c., is perfectly agreeable to
the practice of ancient and modern courts. (See Zosimus, l. v.
p. 298, 299, 300.) I am almost tempted to quote the romance of a
great master, (Fielding's Works, vol. iv. p. 49, &c., 8vo.
edit.,) which may be considered as the history of human nature.]
  
  
[14: The great Oasis was one of the spots in the sands
of Libya, watered with springs, and capable of producing wheat,
barley, and palm- trees. It was about three days' journey from
north to south, about half a day in breadth, and at the distance
of about five days' march to the west of Abydus, on the Nile.
See D'Anville, Description de l'Egypte, p. 186, 187, 188. The
barren desert which encompasses Oasis (Zosimus, l. v. p. 300) has
suggested the idea of comparative fertility, and even the epithet
of the happy island ]
  
  
[15: The line of Claudian, in Eutrop. l. i. 180,
Marmaricus claris violatur caedibus Hammon,
evidently alludes to his persuasion of the death of Timasius.
Note: A fragment of Eunapius confirms this account. "Thus
having deprived this great person of his life - a eunuch, a man,
a slave, a consul, a minister of the bed-chamber, one bred in
camps." Mai, p. 283, in Niebuhr. 87 - M.]
  
  
[16: Sozomen, l. viii. c. 7. He speaks from report.]
  
  
[17: Zosimus, l. v. p. 300. Yet he seems to suspect
that this rumor was spread by the friends of Eutropius.]
  
  
[18: See the Theodosian Code, l. ix. tit. 14, ad legem
Corneliam de Sicariis, leg. 3, and the Code of Justinian, l. ix.
tit. viii, viii. ad legem Juliam de Majestate, leg. 5. The
alteration of the title, from murder to treason, was an
improvement of the subtle Tribonian. Godefroy, in a formal
dissertation, which he has inserted in his Commentary,
illustrates this law of Arcadius, and explains all the difficult
passages which had been perverted by the jurisconsults of the
darker ages. See tom. iii. p. 88 - 111.]
  
  
[19: Bartolus understands a simple and naked
consciousness, without any sign of approbation or concurrence.
For this opinion, says Baldus, he is now roasting in hell. For
my own part, continues the discreet Heineccius, (Element. Jur.
Civil l. iv. p. 411,) I must approve the theory of Bartolus; but
in practice I should incline to the sentiments of Baldus. Yet
Bartolus was gravely quoted by the lawyers of Cardinal Richelieu;
and Eutropius was indirectly guilty of the murder of the virtuous
De Thou.]
  
  
[20: Godefroy, tom. iii. p. 89. It is, however,
suspected, that this law, so repugnant to the maxims of Germanic
freedom, has been surreptitiously added to the golden bull.]
  
  
[21: A copious and circumstantial narrative (which he
might have reserved for more important events) is bestowed by
Zosimus (l. v. p. 304 - 312) on the revolt of Tribigild and
Gainas. See likewise Socrates, l. vi. c. 6, and Sozomen, l.
viii. c. 4. The second book of Claudian against Eutropius, is a
fine, though imperfect, piece of history.]
  
  
[22: Claudian (in Eutrop. l. ii. 237 - 250) very
accurately observes, that the ancient name and nation of the
Phrygians extended very far on every side, till their limits were
contracted by the colonies of the Bithvnians of Thrace, of the
Greeks, and at last of the Gauls. His description (ii. 257 -
272) of the fertility of Phrygia, and of the four rivers that
produced gold, is just and picturesque.]
  
  
[23: Xenophon, Anabasis, l. i. p. 11, 12, edit.
Hutchinson. Strabo, l. xii p. 865, edit. Amstel. Q. Curt. l.
iii. c. 1. Claudian compares the junction of the Marsyas and
Maeander to that of the Saone and the Rhone, with this
difference, however, that the smaller of the Phrygian rivers is
not accelerated, but retarded, by the larger.]
  
  
[24: Selgae, a colony of the Lacedaemonians, had
formerly numbered twenty thousand citizens; but in the age of
Zosimus it was reduced to a small town. See Cellarius, Geograph.
Antiq tom. ii. p. 117.]
  
[25: The council of Eutropius, in Claudian, may be
compared to that of Domitian in the fourth Satire of Juvenal.
The principal members of the former were juvenes protervi
lascivique senes; one of them had been a cook, a second a
woolcomber. The language of their original profession exposes
their assumed dignity; and their trifling conversation about
tragedies, dancers, &c., is made still more ridiculous by the
importance of the debate.]
  
[26: Claudian (l. ii. 376 - 461) has branded him with
infamy; and Zosimus, in more temperate language, confirms his
reproaches. L. v. p. 305.]
  
[27: The conspiracy of Gainas and Tribigild, which is
attested by the Greek historian, had not reached the ears of
Claudian, who attributes the revolt of the Ostrogoth to his own
martial spirit, and the advice of his wife.]
  
  
  
[28: This anecdote, which Philostorgius alone has
preserved, (l xi. c. 6, and Gothofred. Dissertat. p. 451 - 456)
is curious and important; since it connects the revolt of the
Goths with the secret intrigues of the palace.]
  
  
[29: See the Homily of Chrysostom, tom. iii. p. 381 -
386, which the exordium is particularly beautiful. Socrates, l.
vi. c. 5. Sozomen, l. viii. c. 7. Montfaucon (in his Life of
Chrysostom, tom. xiii. p. 135) too hastily supposes that
Tribigild was actually in Constantinople; and that he commanded
the soldiers who were ordered to seize Eutropius Even Claudian, a
Pagan poet, (praefat. ad l. ii. in Eutrop. 27,) has mentioned the
flight of the eunuch to the sanctuary.
Suppliciterque pias humilis prostratus ad aras,
Mitigat iratas voce tremente nurus,]
  
  
[30: Chrysostom, in another homily, (tom. iii. p. 386,)
affects to declare that Eutropius would not have been taken, had
he not deserted the church. Zosimus, (l. v. p. 313,) on the
contrary, pretends, that his enemies forced him from the
sanctuary. Yet the promise is an evidence of some treaty; and
the strong assurance of Claudian, (Praefat. ad l. ii. 46,)
Sed tamen exemplo non feriere tuo,
may be considered as an evidence of some promise.]
  
  
[31: Cod. Theod. l. ix. tit. xi. leg. 14. The date of
that law (Jan. 17, A.D. 399) is erroneous and corrupt; since the
fall of Eutropius could not happen till the autumn of the same
year. See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 780.]
  
  
[32: Zosimus, l. v. p. 313. Philostorgius, l. xi. c. 6.]
  
  
[33: Zosimus, l. v. p. 313 - 323,) Socrates, (l. vi. c.
4,) Sozomen, (l. viii. c. 4,) and Theodoret, (l. v. c. 32, 33,)
represent, though with some various circumstances, the
conspiracy, defeat, and death of Gainas.]
  
  
[34: It is the expression of Zosimus himself, (l. v. p.
314,) who inadvertently uses the fashionable language of the
Christians. Evagrius describes (l. ii. c. 3) the situation,
architecture, relics, and miracles, of that celebrated church, in
which the general council of Chalcedon was afterwards held.]
  
  
[35: The pious remonstrances of Chrysostom, which do not
appear in his own writings, are strongly urged by Theodoret; but
his insinuation, that they were successful, is disproved by
facts. Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 383) has
discovered that the emperor, to satisfy the rapacious demands of
Gainas, was obliged to melt the plate of the church of the
apostles.]
  
  
[36: The ecclesiastical historians, who sometimes guide,
and sometimes follow, the public opinion, most confidently
assert, that the palace of Constantinople was guarded by legions
of angels.]
  
  
[37: Zosmius (l. v. p. 319) mentions these galleys by
the name of Liburnians, and observes that they were as swift
(without explaining the difference between them) as the vessels
with fifty oars; but that they were far inferior in speed to the
triremes, which had been long disused. Yet he reasonably
concludes, from the testimony of Polybius, that galleys of a
still larger size had been constructed in the Punic wars. Since
the establishment of the Roman empire over the Mediterranean, the
useless art of building large ships of war had probably been
neglected, and at length forgotten.]
  
  
[38: Chishull (Travels, p. 61 - 63, 72 - 76) proceeded
from Gallipoli, through Hadrianople to the Danube, in about
fifteen days. He was in the train of an English ambassador,
whose baggage consisted of seventy-one wagons. That learned
traveller has the merit of tracing a curious and unfrequented
route.]
  
  
[A: Fravitta, according to Zosimus, though a Pagan,
received the honors of the consulate. Zosim, v. c. 20. On
Fravitta, see a very imperfect fragment of Eunapius. Mai. ii.
290, in Niebuhr. 92. - M.]
  
  
[39: The narrative of Zosimus, who actually leads Gainas
beyond the Danube, must be corrected by the testimony of
Socrates, aud Sozomen, that he was killed in Thrace; and by the
precise and authentic dates of the Alexandrian, or Paschal,
Chronicle, p. 307. The naval victory of the Hellespont is fixed
to the month Apellaeus, the tenth of the Calends of January,
(December 23;) the head of Gainas was brought to Constantinople
the third of the nones of January, (January 3,) in the month
Audynaeus.]
  
  
[40: Eusebius Scholasticus acquired much fame by his
poem on the Gothic war, in which he had served. Near forty years
afterwards Ammonius recited another poem on the same subject, in
the presence of the emperor Theodosius. See Socrates, l. vi. c.
6.]
  
  
[41: The sixth book of Socrates, the eighth of Sozomen,
and the fifth of Theodoret, afford curious and authentic
materials for the life of John Chrysostom. Besides those general
historians, I have taken for my guides the four principal
biographers of the saint. 1. The author of a partial and
passionate Vindication of the archbishop of Constantinople,
composed in the form of a dialogue, and under the name of his
zealous partisan, Palladius, bishop of Helenopolis, (Tillemont,
Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 500 - 533.) It is inserted among the
works of Chrysostom. tom. xiii. p. 1 - 90, edit. Montfaucon. 2.
The moderate Erasmus, (tom. iii. epist. Mcl. p. 1331 - 1347,
edit. Lugd. Bat.) His vivacity and good sense were his own; his
errors, in the uncultivated state of ecclesiastical antiquity,
were almost inevitable. 3. The learned Tillemont, (Mem.
Ecclesiastiques, tom. xi. p. 1 - 405, 547 - 626, &c. &c.,) who
compiles the lives of the saints with incredible patience and
religious accuracy. He has minutely searched the voluminous
works of Chrysostom himself. 4. Father Montfaucon, who has
perused those works with the curious diligence of an editor,
discovered several new homilies, and again reviewed and composed
the Life of Chrysostom, (Opera Chrysostom. tom. xiii. p. 91 -
177.)]
  
  
[42: As I am almost a stranger to the voluminous sermons
of Chrysostom, I have given my confidence to the two most
judicious and moderate of the ecclesiastical critics, Erasmus
(tom. iii. p. 1344) and Dupin, (Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, tom.
iii. p. 38:) yet the good taste of the former is sometimes
vitiated by an excessive love of antiquity; and the good sense of
the latter is always restrained by prudential considerations.]
  
  
[43: The females of Constantinople distinguished
themselves by their enmity or their attachment to Chrysostom.
Three noble and opulent widows, Marsa, Castricia, and Eugraphia,
were the leaders of the persecution, (Pallad. Dialog. tom. xiii.
p. 14.) It was impossible that they should forgive a preacher who
reproached their affectation to conceal, by the ornaments of
dress, their age and ugliness, (Pallad p. 27.) Olympias, by equal
zeal, displayed in a more pious cause, has obtained the title of
saint. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi p. 416 - 440.]
  
  
[44: Sozomen, and more especially Socrates, have defined
the real character of Chrysostom with a temperate and impartial
freedom, very offensive to his blind admirers. Those historians
lived in the next generation, when party violence was abated, and
had conversed with many persons intimately acquainted with the
virtues and imperfections of the saint.]
  
  
[45: Palladius (tom. xiii. p. 40, &c.) very seriously
defends the archbishop 1. He never tasted wine. 2. The weakness
of his stomach required a peculiar diet. 3. Business, or study,
or devotion, often kept him fasting till sunset. 4. He detested
the noise and levity of great dinners. 5. He saved the expense
for the use of the poor. 6. He was apprehensive, in a capital
like Constantinople, of the envy and reproach of partial
invitations.]
  
  
[46: Chrysostom declares his free opinion (tom. ix. hom.
iii in Act. Apostol. p. 29) that the number of bishops, who might
be saved, bore a very small proportion to those who would be
damned.]
  
  
[47: See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 441 - 500.]
  
  
[48: I have purposely omitted the controversy which
arose among the monks of Egypt, concerning Origenism and
Anthropomorphism; the dissimulation and violence of Theophilus;
his artful management of the simplicity of Epiphanius; the
persecution and flight of the long, or tall, brothers; the
ambiguous support which they received at Constantinople from
Chrysostom, &c. &c.]
  
  
[49: Photius (p. 53 - 60) has preserved the original
acts of the synod of the Oak; which destroys the false assertion,
that Chrysostom was condemned by no more than thirty-six bishops,
of whom twenty-nine were Egyptians. Forty-five bishops
subscribed his sentence. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 595.
Note: Tillemont argues strongly for the number of thirty-six - M]
  
  
[50: Palladius owns (p. 30) that if the people of
Constantinople had found Theophilus, they would certainly have
thrown him into the sea. Socrates mentions (l. vi. c. 17) a
battle between the mob and the sailors of Alexandria, in which
many wounds were given, and some lives were lost. The massacre of
the monks is observed only by the Pagan Zosimus, (l. v. p. 324,)
who acknowledges that Chrysostom had a singular talent to lead
the illiterate multitude.]
  
  
[51: See Socrates, l. vi. c. 18. Sozomen, l. viii. c.
20. Zosimus (l. v. p 324, 327) mentions, in general terms, his
invectives against Eudoxia. The homily, which begins with those
famous words, is rejected as spurious. Montfaucon, tom. xiii. p.
151. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom xi. p. 603.]
  
  
[52: We might naturally expect such a charge from
Zosimus, (l. v. p. 327;) but it is remarkable enough, that it
should be confirmed by Socrates, (l. vi. c. 18,) and the Paschal
Chronicle, (p. 307.)]
  
  
[53: He displays those specious motives (Post Reditum,
c. 13, 14) in the language of an orator and a politician.]
  
  
[54: Two hundred and forty-two of the epistles of
Chrysostom are still extant, (Opera, tom. iii. p. 528 - 736.)
They are addressed to a great variety of persons, and show a
firmness of mind much superior to that of Cicero in his exile.
The fourteenth epistle contains a curious narrative of the
dangers of his journey.]
  
  
[55: After the exile of Chrysostom, Theophilus published
an enormous and horrible volume against him, in which he
perpetually repeats the polite expressions of hostem humanitatis,
sacrilegorum principem, immundum daemonem; he affirms, that John
Chrysostom had delivered his soul to be adulterated by the devil;
and wishes that some further punishment, adequate (if possible)
to the magnitude of his crimes, may be inflicted on him. St.
Jerom, at the request of his friend Theophilus, translated this
edifying performance from Greek into Latin. See Facundus
Hermian. Defens. pro iii. Capitul. l. vi. c. 5 published by
Sirmond. Opera, tom. ii. p. 595, 596, 597.]
  
[56: His name was inserted by his successor Atticus in
the Dyptics of the church of Constantinople, A.D. 418. Ten years
afterwards he was revered as a saint. Cyril, who inherited the
place, and the passions, of his uncle Theophilus, yielded with
much reluctance. See Facund. Hermian. l. 4, c. 1. Tillemont,
Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 277 - 283.]
  
[57: Socrates, l. vii. c. 45. Theodoret, l. v. c. 36.
This event reconciled the Joannites, who had hitherto refused to
acknowledge his successors. During his lifetime, the Joannites
were respected, by the Catholics, as the true and orthodox
communion of Constantinople. Their obstinacy gradually drove
them to the brink of schism.]
  
[58: According to some accounts, (Baronius, Annal.
Eccles. A.D. 438 No. 9, 10,) the emperor was forced to send a
letter of invitation and excuses, before the body of the
ceremonious saint could be moved from Comana.]
  
  
  
[59: Zosimus, l. v. p. 315. The chastity of an empress
should not be impeached without producing a witness; but it is
astonishing, that the witness should write and live under a
prince whose legitimacy he dared to attack. We must suppose that
his history was a party libel, privately read and circulated by
the Pagans. Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 782) is
not averse to brand the reputation of Eudoxia.]
  
  
[60: Porphyry of Gaza. His zeal was transported by the
order which he had obtained for the destruction of eight Pagan
temples of that city. See the curious details of his life,
(Baronius, A.D. 401, No. 17 - 51,) originally written in Greek,
or perhaps in Syriac, by a monk, one of his favorite deacons.]
  
  
[61: Philostorg. l. xi. c. 8, and Godefroy, Dissertat.
p. 457.]
  
  
[62: Jerom (tom. vi. p. 73, 76) describes, in lively
colors, the regular and destructive march of the locusts, which
spread a dark cloud, between heaven and earth, over the land of
Palestine. Seasonable winds scattered them, partly into the Dead
Sea, and partly into the Mediterranean.]
  
  
[63: Procopius, de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 2, p. 8, edit.
Louvre.]
  
  
[64: Agathias, l. iv. p. 136, 137. Although he
confesses the prevalence of the tradition, he asserts, that
Procopius was the first who had committed it to writing.
Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 597) argues very
sensibly on the merits of this fable. His criticism was not
warped by any ecclesiastical authority: both Procopius and
Agathias are half Pagans.
Note: See St Martin's article on Jezdegerd, in the
Biographie Universelle de Michand. - M.]
  
  
[65: Socrates, l. vii. c. l. Anthemius was the grandson
of Philip, one of the ministers of Constantius, and the
grandfather of the emperor Anthemius. After his return from the
Persian embassy, he was appointed consul and Praetorian praefect
of the East, in the year 405 and held the praefecture about ten
years. See his honors and praises in Godefroy, Cod. Theod. tom.
vi. p. 350. Tillemont, Hist. des Emptom. vi. p. 1. &c.]
  
  
[66: Sozomen, l. ix. c. 5. He saw some Scyrri at work
near Mount Olympus, in Bithynia, and cherished the vain hope that
those captives were the last of the nation.]
  
  
[67: Cod. Theod. l. vii. tit. xvi. l. xv. tit. i. leg. 49.]
  
  
[68: Sozomen has filled three chapters with a
magnificent panegyric of Pulcheria, (l. ix. c. 1, 2, 3;) and
Tillemont (Memoires Eccles. tom. xv. p. 171 - 184) has dedicated
a separate article to the honor of St. Pulcheria, virgin and
empress.
Note: The heathen Eunapius gives a frightful picture of the
venality and a justice of the court of Pulcheria. Fragm. Eunap.
in Mai, ii. 293, in p. 97. - M.]
  
  
[69: Suidas, (Excerpta, p. 68, in Script. Byzant.)
pretends, on the credit of the Nestorians, that Pulcheria was
exasperated against their founder, because he censured her
connection with the beautiful Paulinus, and her incest with her
brother Theodosius.]
  
  
[70: See Ducange, Famil. Byzantin. p. 70. Flaccilla,
the eldest daughter, either died before Arcadius, or, if she
lived till the year 431, (Marcellin. Chron.,) some defect of mind
or body must have excluded her from the honors of her rank.]
  
  
[71: She was admonished, by repeated dreams, of the
place where the relics of the forty martyrs had been buried. The
ground had successively belonged to the house and garden of a
woman of Constantinople, to a monastery of Macedonian monks, and
to a church of St. Thyrsus, erected by Caesarius, who was consul
A.D. 397; and the memory of the relics was almost obliterated.
Notwithstanding the charitable wishes of Dr. Jortin, (Remarks,
tom. iv. p. 234,) it is not easy to acquit Pulcheria of some
share in the pious fraud; which must have been transacted when
she was more than five-and-thirty years of age.]
  
  
[72: There is a remarkable difference between the two
ecclesiastical historians, who in general bear so close a
resemblance. Sozomen (l. ix. c. 1) ascribes to Pulcheria the
government of the empire, and the education of her brother, whom
he scarcely condescends to praise. Socrates, though he affectedly
disclaims all hopes of favor or fame, composes an elaborate
panegyric on the emperor, and cautiously suppresses the merits of
his sister, (l. vii. c. 22, 42.) Philostorgius (l. xii. c. 7)
expresses the influence of Pulcheria in gentle and courtly
language. Suidas (Excerpt. p. 53) gives a true character of
Theodosius; and I have followed the example of Tillemont (tom.
vi. p. 25) in borrowing some strokes from the modern Greeks.]
  
  
[73: Theodoret, l. v. c. 37. The bishop of Cyrrhus, one
of the first men of his age for his learning and piety, applauds
the obedience of Theodosius to the divine laws.]
  
  
[74: Socrates (l. vii. c. 21) mentions her name,
(Athenais, the daughter of Leontius, an Athenian sophist,) her
baptism, marriage, and poetical genius. The most ancient account
of her history is in John Malala (part ii. p. 20, 21, edit.
Venet. 1743) and in the Paschal Chronicle, (p. 311, 312.) Those
authors had probably seen original pictures of the empress
Eudocia. The modern Greeks, Zonaras, Cedrenus, &c., have
displayed the love, rather than the talent of fiction. From
Nicephorus, indeed, I have ventured to assume her age. The
writer of a romance would not have imagined, that Athenais was
near twenty eight years old when she inflamed the heart of a
young emperor.]
  
  
[75: Socrates, l. vii. c. 21, Photius, p. 413 - 420.
The Homeric cento is still extant, and has been repeatedly
printed: but the claim of Eudocia to that insipid performance is
disputed by the critics. See Fabricius, Biblioth. Graec. tom.
i. p. 357. The Ionia, a miscellaneous dictionary of history and
fable, was compiled by another empress of the name of Eudocia,
who lived in the eleventh century: and the work is still extant
in manuscript.]
  
  
[76: Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 438, 439) is copious
and florid, but he is accused of placing the lies of different
ages on the same level of authenticity.]
  
  
[77: In this short view of the disgrace of Eudocia, I
have imitated the caution of Evagrius (l. i. c. 21) and Count
Marcellinus, (in Chron A.D. 440 and 444.) The two authentic dates
assigned by the latter, overturn a great part of the Greek
fictions; and the celebrated story of the apple, &c., is fit only
for the Arabian Nights, where something not very unlike it may be
found.]
  
  
[78: Priscus, (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 69,) a
contemporary, and a courtier, dryly mentions her Pagan and
Christian names, without adding any title of honor or respect.]
  
  
[79: For the two pilgrimages of Eudocia, and her long
residence at Jerusalem, her devotion, alms, &c., see Socrates (l.
vii. c. 47) and Evagrius, (l. i. c. 21, 22.) The Paschal
Chronicle may sometimes deserve regard; and in the domestic
history of Antioch, John Malala becomes a writer of good
authority. The Abbe Guenee, in a memoir on the fertility of
Palestine, of which I have only seen an extract, calculates the
gifts of Eudocia at 20,488 pounds of gold, above 800,000 pounds
sterling.]
  
  
[80: Theodoret, l. v. c. 39 Tillemont. Mem. Eccles tom.
xii. 356 - 364. Assemanni, Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iii. p. 396,
tom. iv. p. 61. Theodoret blames the rashness of Abdas, but
extols the constancy of his martyrdom. Yet I do not clearly
understand the casuistry which prohibits our repairing the damage
which we have unlawfully committed.]
  
  
[81: Socrates (l. vii. c. 18, 19, 20, 21) is the best
author for the Persian war. We may likewise consult the three
Chronicles, the Paschal and those of Marcellinus and Malala.]
  
  
[82: This account of the ruin and division of the
kingdom of Armenia is taken from the third book of the Armenian
history of Moses of Chorene. Deficient as he is in every
qualification of a good historian, his local information, his
passions, and his prejudices are strongly expressive of a native
and contemporary. Procopius (de Edificiis, l. iii. c. 1, 5)
relates the same facts in a very different manner; but I have
extracted the circumstances the most probable in themselves, and
the least inconsistent with Moses of Chorene.]
  
  
[83: The western Armenians used the Greek language and
characters in their religious offices; but the use of that
hostile tongue was prohibited by the Persians in the Eastern
provinces, which were obliged to use the Syriac, till the
invention of the Armenian letters by Mesrobes, in the beginning
of the fifth century, and the subsequent version of the Bible
into the Armenian language; an event which relaxed to the
connection of the church and nation with Constantinople.]
  
  
[84: Moses Choren. l. iii. c. 59, p. 309, and p. 358.
Procopius, de Edificiis, l. iii. c. 5. Theodosiopolis stands, or
rather stood, about thirty-five miles to the east of Arzeroum,
the modern capital of Turkish Armenia. See D'Anville, Geographie
Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 99, 100.]
  
  
[B: The division of Armenia, according to M. St. Martin,
took place much earlier, A. C. 390. The Eastern or Persian
division was four times as large as the Western or Roman. This
partition took place during the reigns of Theodosius the First,
and Varanes (Bahram) the Fourth. St. Martin, Sup. to Le Beau,
iv. 429. This partition was but imperfectly accomplished, as
both parts were afterwards reunited under Chosroes, who paid
tribute both to the Roman emperor and to the Persian king. v.
439. - M.]
  
  
[C: Chosroes, according to Procopius (who calls him
Arsaces, the common name of the Armenian kings) and the Armenian
writers, bequeathed to his two sons, to Tigranes the Persian, to
Arsaces the Roman, division of Armenia, A. C. 416. With the
assistance of the discontented nobles the Persian king placed his
son Sapor on the throne of the Eastern division; the Western at
the same time was united to the Roman empire, and called the
Greater Armenia. It was then that Theodosiopolis was built.
Sapor abandoned the throne of Armenia to assert his rights to
that of Persia; he perished in the struggle, and after a period
of anarchy, Bahram V., who had ascended the throne of Persia,
placed the last native prince, Ardaschir, son of Bahram
Schahpour, on the throne of the Persian division of Armenia. St.
Martin, v. 506. This Ardaschir was the Artasires of Gibbon. The
archbishop Isaac is called by the Armenians the Patriarch Schag.
St. Martin, vi. 29. - M.]
  
[85: Moses Choren, l. iii. c. 63, p. 316. According to
the institution of St. Gregory, the Apostle of Armenia, the
archbishop was always of the royal family; a circumstance which,
in some degree, corrected the influence of the sacerdotal
character, and united the mitre with the crown.]
  
[86: A branch of the royal house of Arsaces still
subsisted with the rank and possessions (as it should seem) of
Armenian satraps. See Moses Choren. l. iii. c. 65, p. 321.]
  
[87: Valarsaces was appointed king of Armenia by his
brother the Parthian monarch, immediately after the defeat of
Antiochus Sidetes, (Moses Choren. l. ii. c. 2, p. 85,) one
hundred and thirty years before Christ. Without depending on the
various and contradictory periods of the reigns of the last
kings, we may be assured, that the ruin of the Armenian kingdom
happened after the council of Chalcedon, A.D. 431, (l. iii. c.
61, p. 312;) and under Varamus, or Bahram, king of Persia, (l.
iii. c. 64, p. 317,) who reigned from A.D. 420 to 440. See
Assemanni, Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iii. p. 396.
Note: Five hundred and eighty. St. Martin, ibid. He places
this event A. C 429. - M.
Note: According to M. St. Martin, vi. 32, Vagharschah, or
Valarsaces, was appointed king by his brother Mithridates the
Great, king of Parthia. - M.]
  
[D: Artasires or Ardaschir was probably sent to the
castle of Oblivion. St. Martin, vi. 31. - M.]
  
[E: The duration of the Armenian kingdom according to
M. St. Martin, was 580 years. - M]